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George Washington's Farewell Address | 2008

President George Washington's Farewell Address (1796) revised using contemporary language.

Todd M. Fay
www.toddmfay.com
(c) 2008 Todd M. Fay

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To my friends and fellow Americans:

The time to elect a new President of the United States of America approaches. It’s time to think about who deserves your vote for the most important office in the country (if not the world). As such, it seems appropriate for me to tell you that I will not seek another term as President. Knowing this may help you in choosing a candidate to support.

When I first took office, I shared my thoughts and feelings about taking on the extremely difficult responsibility of the Presidency. Now as I prepare to leave office I can say I did the best I could, with good intentions, for an imperfect person. I was aware from the beginning I lacked the qualifications to take on such an important role. From my perspective (and perhaps even more so in the eyes of others) my experiences reinforce the reasons why I lacked confidence in my ability to be President.

Each passing day reminds me more and more that I both want and need to retire. As I believe there are no pressing matters requiring my personal attention at this time, I am at peace with my decision to retire from politics and I do so with my sense of duty as a patriot intact.

I could stop here, but I have serious concerns for our country and for each and every one of you. These concerns are so grave you must keep it alive even after I’m gone. My fears urge me, right now, to ask you to think deeply and seriously about what I have to say. I ask you to frequently consider the ideas, questions and concerns I’m about to put forth. I’ve thought about them a lot, from the vantage point of the Presidency, and they seem to be all important to your lasting happiness…

You love freedom and independence so much. I don’t need to say anything to convince you how important they are to you.

In addition to freedom and independence, you also value our national government which brings together each and every individual citizen as Americans. This is good. Government is a main support in the structure of your independence, supporting your peace at home and abroad, safety, prosperity and your freedom which is so important to you. But, as it is easy to foresee, great effort will be made and many methods will be used, from different causes and places, to convince you otherwise. Government is the point in your political foundation that our enemies, at home and abroad, will constantly and actively (though often secretly and insidiously) attack. Because of this you should always:

• Remember how valuable your national unity is to your well-being as a country and as an individual;
• Hold dear a friendly, habitual and immovable devotion to it;
• Think and speak of it as the safeguard of your security and prosperity as citizens;
• Look to preserve it with watchful eyes;
• Disapprove of even the slightest suggestion it can, in any event, be abandoned;
• Look down upon every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to weaken the invaluable ties which now link our various states and regions together.

No matter how you look at it, you have every incentive to see to this. All Americans, native and immigrant alike, are called to be patriots. We must always put the name “American,” which belongs to us through our nationality, before our identification with our respective states and localities. With slight shades of difference, we have similar values, manners, habits, and political principles. We fought for a common cause and won together. The independence and liberty we possess are the result of working together. Our teamwork is motivated by shared dangers, sufferings, and successes.

National Union Benefits Us All

Not only does national unity make sense, but more importantly, it has a practical impact on each of us. Because of this, we’re motivated to guard and preserve our union. Allow me to demonstrate…

• The North, in its free and open relationship with the South (protected by the equal laws of a common national government) finds great additional resources for its maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials for its manufacturing industry.
• The South sees its agriculture industry grow and its economy expand.
• As the naval adventurers of the North explore southern channels, the South expands its knowledge of its surrounding lands; and while it contributes in different ways to sustain and grow the general knowledge of the national navigation, it benefits from the protection of a naval strength of the North.
• The East, in its relationship with the West, finds a valuable market for domestic goods and imports which will expand with the improvement of the national infrastructure.
• From the East, the West gets supplies it needs to grow and improve the quality of life of its people.
• Perhaps more importantly the West depends on the size, influence and future power of our shipping industry in the Atlantic for access to important overseas markets for its own products, lead by shared interest as one nation. This is yet another aspect of our collective interest as a country. Any other means by which the West can conduct essential foreign trade, either by its own power or through a connection with a foreign power (which flies in the face of the West’s commitment to our common cause), must be inherently unstable.

Through our united abilities and efforts, each state and its people finds:

• Greater strength;
• Greater resources;
• Proportionally greater security from external dangers;
• Fewer acts of aggression by foreign nations;

Most importantly is the absence of war between our states, which frequently afflicts neighboring countries. Rivalry alone is enough to bring about war between neighboring countries. Opposing alliances with foreign governments further provoke problems between neighbors. In unity, our states avoid the need for overgrown militaries which, under any form of government, hurt liberty. Overgrown military establishments are especially harmful to our form of government as a republic and the liberty it provides. Because of this national unity is crucial for liberty. Preserving our national unity preserves our liberty.

Perhaps there are some who are not convinced national union provides liberty. I understand. Truthfully, we’ll have to find out for ourselves. Guessing about it won’t do us much good. That being said, it’s worth giving an honest effort. Just remember, even though it makes sense to be united some will seek to divide us. It’s up to us to challenge their commitment to our common good.

Some Seek to Divide Us

I’ve had time to consider things that could destroy our unity. One serious example is the characterizing of parties based on their geographical location. Think northerners versus southerners, east versus west… coastal states areas versus inland areas. The power hungry will try to convince you that there is a real difference of local interests and views when it comes to the good of the nation. This is one of the quickest ways for political groups to gain power in one area – by misrepresenting the opinions and goals of other areas. You can never do enough to protect yourselves against negative feelings for your fellow Americans that result from this kind of manipulation. In fact, manipulation like this makes strangers, suspects and apparent threats out of those who are, in actuality, your brothers and your sisters – your friends and countrymen.

In order for our union to last and be effective we must have a government that represents all parts. Alliances between the parts, no matter how strict, will never be an adequate substitute for national unity. These inferior alliances must inevitably experience breakdowns which all alliances throughout time have experienced. Understanding the reality of this situation, we improved on our first attempt at government by adopting the Constitution of the United States of America which does a better job of supporting a solid union and effectively addressing the concerns we share as a nation.

Our constitutional government is independent of and uninfluenced by foreign powers. It is free in its principles. Its powers are equally distributed and balanced. It provides for both security and liberty.

Preserve the Balance of Powers

Our government has a built in process for making changes (through amendments). And it is our choice after having fully considering and debated over all other options. It deserves your support and your belief in it. Respect for and compliance with its authority, laws and judgments are fundamental duties of a truly free and self-governed society. At the foundation of our political system is our right to create and change the makeup of the government. Until such a time it is authentically and explicitly changed by the people, we have an obligation to observe the rules in place. The very idea that people have the power and the right to govern themselves assumes the duty of every individual to follow the law.

To preserve our government and create permanent good we must not only block flawed attempts to challenge it’s authority, but we must also resist the temptation to change it (for the sake of changing it), no matter how deceptively attractive the excuse to do so. One particularly dangerous scenario would be attempts to unbalance the powers between the three branches of government in order to undermine one or two branches which cannot be eliminated outright. No matter what changes (to the Constitution) are proposed, remember:

• Time and experience are necessary to prove and disprove elements of the government, just as in other things in life;
• Experience is the best teacher when it comes to testing a country’s existing structure of government;
• If we change the Constitution based strictly on opinions and guesswork we’re headed down a slippery slope of even more change as there will never be a shortage of opinions or guesses;
• For a country, especially one as large as ours, to effectively meet its common goals we require an active government, yet we must always put liberty first.

Our constitutional government, with powers evenly balanced and distributed, will guard liberty. “Government” becomes nothing more than a word when it is too weak to:

• Withstand the scheming of opposing political parties;
• Uphold the rule of law;
• Protect an individual’s right to their life, liberty and property.

The Negative Effects of Party Spirit

I’ve warned you of the dangers of national party politics, especially those which rely heavily on setting different areas of the country against one another. Now allow me to warn you further, and more seriously, of the negative effects of party loyalty in general.

Unfortunately, the tendency to align ourselves with a group is natural, powerful and deeply rooted in all of us. It exists in different forms in all governments and is controlled in greater or lesser degrees; when this tendency appears in popular culture though, that is where it is most ugly, and becomes our worst enemy.

Our tendency to align ourselves with a group distracts us from discussing our most important issues. It weakens our ability to effectively govern. It feeds insecurity and suspicion within our nation. It fuels animosity between us. At its lowest point it can even lead to violence, open rebellion and the breakdown of society. It creates an opening for outsiders to influence and corrupt us, which can go so far as to infiltrate our government through deals with political parties. At that point, we’re no longer in control of our lives; rather we’re subjected to the will and policy of others.

Some believe political parties within free societies keep the administration of the government in check and preserve liberty. This is probably true to some extent. And in the case of dictatorships, party loyalists may even indulge in and value their party affiliation. But in governments by the people and for the people, party loyalty should take a back seat to national patriotism. There will never be a shortage of enthusiasm for party loyalty it for wholesome purposes. If anything there is an ever present danger of too much of it. Therefore we should work to discourage party loyalty by default. Our passion for parties will never go away. We must constantly watch it to keep it from growing too strong. Otherwise, instead of helping us in the ways it can, it may destroy us.

Elected Officials Must Respect the Constitutional Boundaries of Each Branch of Government

Elected officials must respect the constitutional boundaries of their respective branch of government, be it Executive, Legislative or Judicial. Disrespect for this constitutional balance tends to consolidate the powers of all three departments into one, resulting in a dictatorship. If it turns out the balance of powers in the Constitution do not work, then it should be repaired though an amendment. The balance should never shift because someone or some group takes power into their own hands; even though it may be done with the best intentions, this is how freedom is destroyed. We must always uphold the proper constitutional balance of powers, even if there may seem to be some partial or temporary gain. Otherwise the harm done to our free and liberty loving society would be permanent.

Principles of Respect and Responsibility Support Our Government

Our respective faiths, beliefs and instinctive sense of right and wrong support the success of our government. It would be pointless for someone to stand up for the cause of liberty while turning their back on doing what is right for their fellow man. Our politicians must stand on principles, just like the best of our citizens do. Principles and our conscience have a direct connection with our wellbeing. Think about it: how can we secure our property, reputation and life in our justice system if we abandon our belief in time tested principles? One cannot maintain the common good without acting on principle. No matter how things change over the course of time, reason and experience teach us to expect that doing the right thing as a nation can only happen by conducting ourselves in line with principles.

Doing right – respect, dignity, compassion, etc. – by our fellow man is a requirement for government by the people to work. This is true for all forms of free government. No one who truly appreciates the inherent responsibility of self-government can dispute this. I encourage you to make a priority out of promoting institutions that instruct others on the responsibility of self-government – on how to do right by their fellow man. The more power the people have over their government, the more important it is for them to appreciate this point.

Protect the National Credit & Debt

Protect and value the nation’s financial credit. It is an important source of strength and security. Use it sparingly, by developing peace. Save through preparation; spending money in preparation for danger can prevent greater costs necessary to deal with crises. Likewise, prevent building debt by avoiding opportunities to spend. Work hard in times of peace to eliminate debts created by unavoidable wars. Don’t create a burden for future generations to bear.

Be Good and Fair to All Nations

Be good and fair to all nations. Develop and promote peace with all nations. Not only is this the right thing to do, its good foreign policy as well. As a free, enlightened and soon to be, great nation, our gift to the world will be a rare and noble example of a people always guided by a lofty sense of justice and desire to do well unto others. Doesn’t it make sense, that over time, this plan will more than compensate us for the temporary losses incurred by following it? A nation’s prosperity is proportional to its good will. The good of human nature suggests this course of action as sensible. If this sounds like a lofty intention with little practical value, perhaps even impossible, then consider the following sentiment.

In order to make this plan work, it’s essential to exclude deep-rooted animosity against particular nations and strong attachments to others. We must replace such aversions and attachments with friendly and fair feelings for all nations. If we indulge in habitual hatred or habitual love for particular nations we are, in a certain way, enslaved to such feelings. We would become a slave to hatred or affection, either of which is enough to blind us from us responsibilities and our own best interest.

Animosity between nations leads more readily to insult and injury. It amplifies resentment over minor offences, and leads nations to be arrogant and stubborn when accidental or frivolous occasions of dispute occur.

Likewise, strong attachment to another nation creates other problems. Sympathy for favored nations has us believe we share some imaginary common interest with them when we don’t. It makes their enemies ours and our enemies theirs leading nations into wars without just cause or good reason. These kinds of alliances also lead one nation to grant privileges to their allies which are denied to others. This causes two problems. First we end up giving away, unnecessarily, what we should keep. Second, we create jealousy and ill will toward us and tend to make those denied such privileges retaliate in kind. Such alliances and treaties make it easy for ambitious, corrupt and deluded citizens (who favor our “ally”) to sell out the interests of our country without resistance (and sometimes even with praise and support). The efforts of these misguided citizens are cloaked as good, well-intentioned ideas, following public opinion, or as a veracious passion for the public good, making what is in fact foolish compliance with ambition, corruption or inflation seem like great ideas.

My fellow Americans, please believe me. As free people we must always look out for treacherous attempts to trap us, since history proves foreign influences are one of the most destructive, poisonous and deadly enemies of a republic. But in order for our vigilance to be effective, it must be impartial, or else it will be used against us by the very influences we wish to avoid instead of as a defense against them. Excessive attachment for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause us to see danger coming only from the side we hate while hiding (and even supporting) the dangerous influence of the side we favor.

Neutrality

The first principle of foreign policy is: have as little political involvement with foreign nations when trading with them. Let’s complete, in good faith, the agreements we’ve already made, but let’s end our political involvement in foreign nations here and now.

The rest of the world’s nations’ priorities have little to nothing to do with us. As such, the other nations of the world will have their own problems, the causes for which are irrelevant to our concerns here at home. It’s a bad idea for us to get involved, through artificial alliances, in the constantly shifting global political climate or the relationships with friends and adversaries.

In neutrality we’re able to walk our own path. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, it may not be much time before:

• we’re unable to sustain injury from external annoyances;
• others come to respect our neutrality as being right and principled;
• hostile nations, realizing it impossible to beat us, will think twice before provoking us;
• we may choose, guided by justice, whether peace or war is in our best interest.

Why would we want to sacrifice these advantages of neutrality? Why would we want to leave our own country undefended while sacrificing to defend foreign lands? Why would we undermine our own peace and prosperity by getting involved in another country’s ambition, rivalry, interests, moods or other unpredictable changes?

Our best policy is to avoid permanent alliances with any other part of the world. I’m not suggesting we default on our existing obligations. We should observe our commitments in their real sense; honesty is always the best policy, for both private and public affairs. But, it’s both unnecessary and foolish to extend our commitments beyond their current scope.

We always want to make sure we have a strong national defense. This way we can safely choose to create temporary alliances during extraordinary emergencies.

Trade with Other Nations

Our sense of human decency, our national interest, and good foreign policy direct us toward peace and open exchange with all nations. But even our trade policies should take an even and impartial stand:

• neither asking for or granting exclusive favors or preferences;
• considering the ordinary course of business;
• growing sources of existing business and creating new industries patiently without forcing anything;
• With powers to define trade conventions, which the best of current circumstances and mutual opinion permit, but temporary and able to be changed or abandoned from time to time as experience and circumstances recommend, and with the following features:

o give trade a stable course;
o define the rights of our merchants;
o enable the government to support them;
o provide conventional rules of information exchange.

• always remembering it is foolish for one nation to seek favors from another nation without expecting to pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it receives. There is no such thing as a free lunch. By accepting favors from other nation, we may return the favor equally, but still be viewed with ingratitude for not giving more. The biggest mistake we can make is to expect or depend upon favors from other nations. It is a lesson experience will teach us and a delusion which a just and proud people must abandon.

Closing

Looking back at my presidency I can’t find any evidence of intentional errors I committed. That being said, I’m aware of my shortcomings and think it’s likely I made many mistakes. I beg God to prevent or lessen the consequences of those errors, whatever they may have been. I also hope you will always consider the mistakes I did make with tolerance, and that, after 45 years of public service (with upright enthusiasm), the faults of my limitations will be forgotten, as I must soon retire.

Relying on my country’s goodwill and driven by the patriotism, for themselves and their family, I expect to enjoy my retirement and the benefits of living under the good laws of a free government which is the eternal object of my heart and the great reward of our shared interest, love and sacrifice.

Original Source: J.D. Richardson, ed., Compilation of Messages and Papers of the Presidents, vol.1 (1907), 213.

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I tend to like George Washington

Taught his slaves how to profit off the land, gave them land and freed them (though mostly at his death...still, most people back then didn't free their slaves at their death).

Also, he was a middle class land owner who worked hard, fought hard in the military, and gained enough political savy to be successful in politics.

He took on family members outside his immediate family (Martha's nephew...or something like that). Of course, Martha's connections had a lot to do with George's success.

But the kicker was that he seemed to really believe in the ideas that he spoke about.

I hope he did.

Then again, he may have been the first (of many) puppet president for the international banking cartel.

A subtle omission of the word "religion" and "Morality"

"Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere Politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle." George Washington's words.

Andrew Jackson Farewell

Brilliant. Thank you for sharing. Proof positive that the nature of man has not changed and that we do indeed need the "chains of the Constitution" to keep men (and now women, unfortunately!) from mischief!

Andrew Jackson's Farewell Address 1837 - Credit Crisis Revisited

Andrew Jackson felt the negative impact on the USA, from Central Banks issuing and controlling the currency of the Nation, that he had his tombstone engraved with "I BEAT THE BANK!".

His Farewell Address of 1837 still reads like a treatise on today's economic problems - an amazing read:

President Andrew Jackson - March 4, 1837:

"In reviewing the conflicts which have taken place between different interests in the United States and the policy pursued since the adoption of our present form of Government, we find nothing that has produced such deep-seated evil as the course of legislation in relation to the currency. The Constitution of the United States unquestionably intended to secure to the people a circulating medium of gold and silver. But the establishment of a national bank by Congress, with the privilege of issuing paper money receivable in the payment of the public dues, and the unfortunate course of legislation in the several States upon the same subject, drove from general circulation the constitutional currency and substituted one of paper in its place.

It was not easy for men engaged in the ordinary pursuits of business, whose attention had not been particularly drawn to the subject, to foresee all the consequences of a currency exclusively of paper, and we ought not on that account to be surprised at the facility with which laws were obtained to carry into effect the paper system. Honest and even enlightened men are sometimes misled by the specious and plausible statements of the designing. But experience has now proved the mischiefs and dangers of a paper currency, and it rests with you to determine whether the proper remedy shall be applied.

The paper system being founded on public confidence and having of itself no intrinsic value, it is liable to great and sudden fluctuations, thereby rendering property insecure and the wages of labor unsteady and uncertain. The corporations which create the paper money can not be relied upon to keep the circulating medium uniform in amount. In times of prosperity, when confidence is high, they are tempted by the prospect of gain or by the influence of those who hope to profit by it to extend their issues of paper beyond the bounds of discretion and the reasonable demands of business; and when these issues have been pushed on from day to day, until public confidence is at length shaken, then a reaction takes place, and they immediately withdraw the credits they have given, suddenly curtail their issues, and produce an unexpected and ruinous contraction of the circulating medium, which is felt by the whole community. The banks by this means save themselves, and the mischievous consequences of their imprudence or cupidity are visited upon the public. Nor does the evil stop here. These ebbs and flows in the currency and these indiscreet extensions of credit naturally engender a spirit of speculation injurious to the habits and character of the people. We have already seen its effects in the wild spirit of speculation in the public lands and various kinds of stock which within the last year or two seized upon such a multitude of our citizens and threatened to pervade all classes of society and to withdraw their attention from the sober pursuits of honest industry. It is not by encouraging this spirit that we shall best preserve public virtue and promote the true interests of our country; but if your currency continues as exclusively paper as it now is, it will foster this eager desire to amass wealth without labor; it will multiply the number of dependents on bank accommodations and bank favors; the temptation to obtain money at any sacrifice will become stronger and stronger, and inevitably lead to corruption, which will find its way into your public councils and destroy at no distant day the purity of your Government. Some of the evils which arise from this system of paper press with peculiar hardship upon the class of society least able to bear it. A portion of this currency frequently becomes depreciated or worthless, and all of it is easily counterfeited in such a manner as to require peculiar skill and much experience to distinguish the counterfeit from the genuine note. These frauds are most generally perpetrated in the smaller notes, which are used in the daily transactions of ordinary business, and the losses occasioned by them are commonly thrown upon the laboring classes of society, whose situation and pursuits put it out of their power to guard themselves from these impositions, and whose daily wages are necessary for their subsistence. It is the duty of every government so to regulate its currency as to protect this numerous class, as far as practicable, from the impositions of avarice and fraud. It is more especially the duty of the United States, where the Government is emphatically the Government of the people, and where this respectable portion of our citizens are so proudly distinguished from the laboring classes of all other nations by their independent spirit, their love of liberty, their intelligence, and their high tone of moral character. Their industry in peace is the source of our wealth and their bravery in war has covered us with glory; and the Government of the United States will but ill discharge its duties if it leaves them a prey to such dishonest impositions. Yet it is evident that their interests can not be effectually protected unless silver and gold are restored to circulation.

These views alone of the paper currency are sufficient to call for immediate reform; but there is another consideration which should still more strongly press it upon your attention.

Recent events have proved that the paper-money system of this country may be used as an engine to undermine your free institutions, and that those who desire to engross all power in the hands of the few and to govern by corruption or force are aware of its power and prepared to employ it. Your banks now furnish your only circulating medium, and money is plenty or scarce according to the quantity of notes issued by them. While they have capitals not greatly disproportioned to each other, they are competitors in business, and no one of them can exercise dominion over the rest; and although in the present state of the currency these banks may and do operate injuriously upon the habits of business, the pecuniary concerns, and the moral tone of society, yet, from their number and dispersed situation, they can not combine for the purposes of political influence, and whatever may be the dispositions of some of them their power of mischief must necessarily be confined to a narrow space and felt only in their immediate neighborhoods.

But when the charter for the Bank of the United States was obtained from Congress it perfected the schemes of the paper system and gave to its advocates the position they have struggled to obtain from the commencement of the Federal Government to the present hour. The immense capital and peculiar privileges bestowed upon it enabled it to exercise despotic sway over the other banks in every part of the country. From its superior strength it could seriously injure, if not destroy, the business of any one of them which might incur its resentment; and it openly claimed for itself the power of regulating the currency throughout the United States. In other words, it asserted (and it undoubtedly possessed) the power to make money plenty or scarce at its pleasure, at any time and in any quarter of the Union, by controlling the issues of other banks and permitting an expansion or compelling a general contraction of the circulating medium, according to its own will. The other banking institutions were sensible of its strength, and they soon generally became its obedient instruments, ready at all times to execute its mandates; and with the banks necessarily went also that numerous class of persons in our commercial cities who depend altogether on bank credits for their solvency and means of business, and who are therefore obliged, for their own safety, to propitiate the favor of the money power by distinguished zeal and devotion in its service. The result of the ill-advised legislation which established this great monopoly was to concentrate the whole moneyed power of the Union, with its boundless means of corruption and its numerous dependents, under the direction and command of one acknowledged head, thus organizing this particular interest as one body and securing to it unity and concert of action throughout the United States, and enabling it to bring forward upon any occasion its entire and undivided strength to support or defeat any measure of the Government. In the hands of this formidable power, thus perfectly organized, was also placed unlimited dominion over the amount of the circulating medium, giving it the power to regulate the value of property and the fruits of labor in every quarter of the Union, and to bestow prosperity or bring ruin upon any city or section of the country as might best comport with its own interest or policy.

We are not left to conjecture how the moneyed power, thus organized and with such a weapon in its hands, would be likely to use it. The distress and alarm which pervaded and agitated the whole country when the Bank of the United States waged war upon the people in order to compel them to submit to its demands can not yet be forgotten. The ruthless and unsparing temper with which whole cities and communities were oppressed, individuals impoverished and ruined, and a scene of cheerful prosperity suddenly changed into one of gloom and despondency ought to be indelibly impressed on the memory of the people of the United States. If such was its power in a time of peace, what would it not have been in a season of war, with an enemy at your doors? No nation but the freemen of the United States could have come out victorious from such a contest; yet, if you had not conquered, the Government would have passed from the hands of the many to the hands of the few, and this organized money power from its secret conclave would have dictated the choice of your highest officers and compelled you to make peace or war, as best suited their own wishes. The forms of your Government might for a time have remained, but its living spirit would have departed from it.

The distress and sufferings inflicted on the people by the bank are some of the fruits of that system of policy which is continually striving to enlarge the authority of the Federal Government beyond the limits fixed by the Constitution. The powers enumerated in that instrument do not confer on Congress the right to establish such a corporation as the Bank of the United States, and the evil consequences which followed may warn us of the danger of departing from the true rule of construction and of permitting temporary circumstances or the hope of better promoting the public welfare to influence in any degree our decisions upon the extent of the authority of the General Government. Let us abide by the Constitution as it is written, or amend it in the constitutional mode if it is found to be defective.

The severe lessons of experience will, I doubt not, be sufficient to prevent Congress from again chartering such a monopoly, even if the Constitution did not present an insuperable objection to it. But you must remember, my fellow-citizens, that eternal vigilance by the people is the price of liberty, and that you must pay the price if you wish to secure the blessing. It behooves you, therefore, to be watchful in your States as well as in the Federal Government. The power which the moneyed interest can exercise, when concentrated under a single head and with our present system of currency, was sufficiently demonstrated in the struggle made by the Bank of the United States. Defeated in the General Government, tho same class of intriguers and politicians will now resort to the States and endeavor to obtain there the same organization which they failed to perpetuate in the Union; and with specious and deceitful plans of public advantages and State interests and State pride they will endeavor to establish in the different States one moneyed institution with overgrown capital and exclusive privileges sufficient to enable it to control the operations of the other banks. Such an institution will be pregnant with the same evils produced by the Bank of the United States, although its sphere of action is more confined, and in the State in which it is chartered the money power will be able to embody its whole strength and to move together with undivided force to accomplish any object it may wish to attain. You have already had abundant evidence of its power to inflict injury upon the agricultural, mechanical, and laboring classes of society, and over those whose engagements in trade or speculation render them dependent on bank facilities the dominion of the State monopoly will be absolute and their obedience unlimited. With such a bank and a paper currency the money power would in a few years govern the State and control its measures, and if a sufficient number of States can be induced to create such establishments the time will soon come when it will again take the field against the United States and succeed in perfecting and perpetuating its organization by a charter from Congress.

It is one of the serious evils of our present system of banking that it enables one class of society--and that by no means a numerous one--by its control over the currency, to act injuriously upon the interests of all the others and to exercise more than its just proportion of influence in political affairs. The agricultural, the mechanical, and the laboring classes have little or no share in the direction of the great moneyed corporations, and from their habits and the nature of their pursuits they are incapable of forming extensive combinations to act together with united force. Such concert of action may sometimes be produced in a single city or in a small district of country by means of personal communications with each other, but they have no regular or active correspondence with those who are engaged in similar pursuits in distant places; they have but little patronage to give to the press, and exercise but a small share of influence over it; they have no crowd of dependents about them who hope to grow rich without labor by their countenance and favor, and who are therefore always ready to execute their wishes. The planter, the farmer, the mechanic, and the laborer all know that their success depends upon their own industry and economy, and that they must not expect to become suddenly rich by the fruits of their toil. Yet these classes of society form the great body of the people of the United States; they are the bone and sinew of the country--men who love liberty and desire nothing but equal rights and equal laws, and who, moreover, hold the great mass of our national wealth, although it is distributed in moderate amounts among the millions of freemen who possess it. But with overwhelming numbers and wealth on their side they are in constant danger of losing their fair influence in the Government, and with difficulty maintain their just rights against the incessant efforts daily made to encroach upon them. The mischief springs from the power which the moneyed interest derives from a paper currency which they are able to control, from the multitude of corporations with exclusive privileges which they have succeeded in obtaining in the different States, and which are employed altogether for their benefit; and unless you become more watchful in your States and check this spirit of monopoly and thirst for exclusive privileges you will in the end find that the most important powers of Government have been given or bartered away, and the control over your dearest interests has passed into the hands of these corporations.

The paper-money system and its natural associations--monopoly and exclusive privileges--have already struck their roots too deep in the soil, and it will require all your efforts to check its further growth and to eradicate the evil. The men who profit by the abuses and desire to perpetuate them will continue to besiege the halls of legislation in the General Government as well as in the States, and will seek by every artifice to mislead and deceive the public servants. It is to yourselves that you must look for safety and the means of guarding and perpetuating your free institutions. In your hands is rightfully placed the sovereignty of the country, and to you everyone placed in authority is ultimately responsible. It is always in your power to see that the wishes of the people are carried into faithful execution, and their will, when once made known, must sooner or later be obeyed; and while the people remain, as I trust they ever will, uncorrupted and incorruptible, and continue watchful and jealous of their rights, the Government is safe, and the cause of freedom will continue to triumph over all its enemies.

But it will require steady and persevering exertions on your part to rid yourselves of the iniquities and mischiefs of the paper system and to check the spirit of monopoly and other abuses which have sprung up with it, and of which it is the main support. So many interests are united to resist all reform on this subject that you must not hope the conflict will be a short one nor success easy. My humble efforts have not been spared during my administration of the Government to restore the constitutional currency of gold and silver, and something, I trust, has been done toward the accomplishment of this most desirable object; but enough yet remains to require all your energy and perseverance. The power, however, is in your hands, and the remedy must and will be applied if you determine upon it...."

Those who fought international banking cartel are on Fed notes

Ben Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, Washington: made the Colonial Script instead of borrowing from the international banking cartel (England branch)...not to mention they patterned the US after French (who at the time was fighting off the international banking cartel...read a bit about Napolean and the international banking cartel)

Lincoln: made greenbacks to fund the war instead of borrowing from the international banking cartel (New York branch)...assasiniated

Jackson: ended the international banking cartel's grip on our economy...two assasination attempts on Jackson

The faces on the Federal Reserve notes (loans) are trophies of the US leaders that the international banking cartel beat to get control of our country!

They are shoving our economic slavery RIGHT IN OUR FACES!

Neil Armstrong? An exception.